BREXIT AND THE EUROPEAN UNION

In Brexit, one of the three pre-eminent member states has revolted against the legitimacy of the European Union. That has caused crisis at home. What has it done to the Union? Not so much.

The project of integration in Europe started with the end of the Second World War. Some clear-headed thinkers, among them Winston Churchill, thought the time had come for Europe to reshape itself. Europe’s inclination, for centuries, had been to warfare. That culminated in the catastrophic World Wars of the twentieth century. The nineteenth century had been not much better: the Napoleonic wars, the Scandinavian wars, the Prussian wars against Austria, Denmark and France. And so on back through time.

Enough, these thinkers said. Europe is a danger to its peoples. It must be made safe.

A new constellation started to take shape with the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951, becoming the European Economic Community in 1957 and the European Union in 1993. The attempt, following the Napoleonic wars, to secure peace through balance of power had failed. The way now was to secure peace by binding the nations, with Germany and France at the core, together in mutual dependency. Today the Union embraces 28 countries, they will be 27 if Britain exits.

The Brexit process has revealed that  European integration has been extraordinarily successful. That has not always been easy to see, not least because of the reluctance, as many of us have been complaining, of the EU to reform.

But as Britain is trying to extricate itself, it has become visible how wide and deep the integration now is. Not only in commerce, trade, industry, finance, agriculture and fisheries, but equally in education, science, security, policing, culture, health care, residence, travel and much more, west-central Europe is now a genuine community. These countries have indeed become tied together in multiple bonds of dependency, as envisaged when the project of integration was launched. It has happened, it is a fact, it works.

The strength of integration is visible in the impossibility in Britain of finding a workable way out. It is visible in the need to re-write the bulk of existing legislation. It is visible in the multiples costs that will incur from trying to break from the bonds that have been tied during nearly seventy years. Of course those bonds are in some way a burden: that’s the point, the burden of mutual commitment.

Brexit will come at a cost to the Union as well as to Britain, but less to the Union. It has been challenged, and it has withstood challenge. If anything, Brexit has shown how much practical, day-to-day and down-to-earth reality has materialised from the visionaries’ lofty idea of integration. If this is a battle, the EU has won.

WHY DEMOCRACY XI: THE MANAGEMENT OF DISAGREEMENT

People have different interests and different outlooks. Conflict and disagreement is the normal state of affairs in social life. Democracy is, among other things, a way of managing disagreement and forging cooperation out of conflict.

In autocratic systems, the social good is defined from above and people have a duty of obedience to the ways and means that are imposed upon them. Autocratic governance depends on a pretence of agreement and therefore the repression of disagreement.

Democratic governance is grounded in an acceptance of disagreement and an ideal of cooperation without repression. To get on in society, we need agreed upon goals and procedures on many matters, some of which are controversial, say the always contested business of taxation. There is no such thing as a public policy that is the preferred policy of everyone, and there is no such thing as a public policy that does not come with a cost to someone. In a democracy, ideally, everyone is entitled to state their views and to defend their interests vigorously. At some point, however, a shared position needs to be found somewhere in the landscape of disagreement. That can be done democratically, for example by voting in a national assembly, or in a general election or a referendum. Some citizens will unavoidably be disappointed in what becomes the shared position, since it will not be their preferred position. The ingenuity of democracy is that since everyone has had a say in the debate and procedure leading up to joint decisions, or the opportunity thereto, everyone should be able to accept the outcome, even when it is not their preferred outcome. The access to discussion and deliberation is conducive to willing collaboration.

When this works, on the one hand society is able to get on with it and move forward, and on the other hand no one has been trampled on and humiliated. Democracy, then, is a method for peaceful resolution of conflict and for collaboration with dignity.